END CASTE; DEFEND NATION

Thousands of young, and some not so young, people have once again assembled at Jantar Mantar, in national capital of India for yet another protest. This group is calling for elimination of caste-based reservations in institutions of higher learning and employments under state. Given the dominance of caste arithmetic in electoral calculus of India, emotive appeal of identity, and inbuilt parochialism fostered in India over centuries and reinforced by political class after independence, failure of this agitation is a foregone conclusion, unless there is a miracle.

That miracle could be psychological revolt of Indian youth against the shackles of caste identity. This has fractured our cohesion as a society and nation; dented our collective capacity as citizens to hold our representatives accountable over governance failures. Caste divide has allowed a culture of entitlement and unrestrained all-out corruption in our entire political -bureaucratic space. Self-seeking private agenda of powerful cliques and cartels gets priority over governance goals of the nation, and our long-term security and destiny as a state.  Rule of law and integrity of institutions are a casualty in the process.

Yet I would say that the very nomenclature of the current movement, anti-reservation, appears poorly thought out. The agitators appear to be calling for withdrawal of such entitlements and privileges of a powerful majority of electorate, to which the latter has got accustomed. Beneficiary castes of reservation are least likely to accept withdrawal of this entitlement. Numerically they are so strong that no political force in this country can ever afford to antagonise them for its own survival. 

As a former practitioner and teacher of national security, I believe India badly needs a mass movement for national cohesion as well as accountability, efficiency and transparency in governance. That alone can ensure universal access to security, dignity and justice for all citizens, which in turn can help optimize our comprehensive strength as a nation. End of caste and communal politics is a pre-condition for the same.

Muted Media Coverage and Higher Police Repression

Media coverage of this agitation has been fairly muted because the group is politically not consequential. Simultaneously, police have resorted to much higher level of violence and repression than what was witnessed during Cockroach Janata Party agitation. There are clips on social media platforms showing pro-reservation groups violently assaulting peaceful protestors, and particularly targeting young women, in clear police presence. In one case, young doctors are in tears alleging that violent cops were physically standing on chest of a man with broken ribs. Unfortunately, a number of cops have also been seen unleashing violence and intimidation in total violation of law of the land. The entire episode manifests expanding caste divide.  

Discrimination on Basis of Identity: Undermining Democracy and National Cohesion

Protestors contend that they are facing brazen discrimination in a free society over their sheer identity. Despite doing significantly better on parameters of merit, their comparative access to opportunities for higher learning and employment with state and overall economic security has been unfairly curtailed. Whereas, a small minority of richer members of SC, ST and Other Backward Communities, who collectively constitute nearly 75 percent of total population of the country, are getting overly preferential treatment ignoring merit, skill and even threshold level of institutional efficiency. This elite has built vested interest in keeping their entire communities perpetually backward.   

They maintain that issue is not about employment and education alone. The entire process is undermining spirit of democracy, national cohesion and optimal national progress. Caste politics has eliminated space for political accountability and efficiency in governance. Even corruption appears justifiable for promotion of caste solidarity. The deepening caste divide has substantially hollowed out our critical institutions. 

Oppression of Dalits A Historical Reality: But it is OBCs and Not Brahmins 

Caste divide and caste-based discriminations have been a longstanding reality. Members of Dalit community have faced brazen discrimination until recently.  Many among them continue to face inhuman and brutal treatment even now. But strikingly in most cases, the perpetrators have been intermediary and OBC Castes and not Brahmins, Thakurs and Vaishyas. Ranvir Sena of Bihar, who are again not a super wealthy elite, may be only exception.

Chart of Major Dalit Massacres and Perpetrator Castes

 

Sl No	Incident	Year	Location	Perpetrator Caste/Group	Total casualties
1	Keezhvenmani Massacre	1968	Tamil Nadu	Vanniyars & Thevars (Most Backward Communities agrarian land holders)	44 Dalits burnt alive
2	Belchhi Kand	1977	Bihar	Kurmis, Dominant OBC land owning group;	10 Dalits burnt alive
3	Karamchedu Massacre	1985	Andhra Pradesh	Reddys, Land owning dominant OBCs	6 Dalits killed, Scores of Dalit women raped
4	Golana Massacre	1986	Gujarat s	Patels, Dominant OBC agrarian caste	4 Dalits murdered, houses torched
5	Laxmanpur Bathe Massacre	1997	Bihar	Ranvir Sena (A militia of land owning but non-Brahmin and non-Rajput upper caste Bhumihar community)	58 Dalits massacred in cold blood (In fact Ranvir Sena in Bihar came up to fight Naxal groups that had waged violent attacks for empowerment of all poor, of which  the Dalits constituted the largest group.  Naxals in 1970s/80s were led by a Brahmin named Vinod Mishra who was practically fighting on behalf of Dalits against other upper castes)
6.	Kambalpalli Massacre	2000	Karnataka	Dominant OBC community, Karnataka Reddys	7 Dalits burnt alive
7.	Jhajjar Lynching	2002	Haryana	Jats (dominant OBC agrarian caste)	5 Dalits lynched over cow-slaughter rumors
8.	Bathani Tola Massacre	1996	Bihar	Ranvir Sena (Bhumihar militia)	21 Dalits killed, incl. women & children
9.	Khairlanji Massacre	2006	Maharashtra	Dominant OBC villagers (Kunbis)	Dalit family (4 members) murdered

It is clear that Brahmins have rarely been direct perpetrators of violence against Dalits. This was precisely due to the fact that barring few odd pockets, Brahmins were largely ritual elites and not agricultural landlords. Similarly, Kshatriyas or Rajputs are also a small minority, who derived their strengths from land that they owned. Oppression by them appears plausible more on account of power, extreme economic deprivation of Dalits, who were mostly landless, and absence of rule of law. Besides, there is enough evidence to suggest that any community that managed to acquire big land assumed Kshatriya or Rajput surnames or identity and some turned even royals. Landowning Rajputs or Thakurs are known to have committed atrocities against Dalits in the past. Wherever possible, Dalits have also retaliated. Phoolan Devi’s revenge killing of 22 Thakurs in Uttar Pradesh in 1980s is a stark reminder of this phenomenon.

Hindu Vaishyas are probably the most pacifist and largely vegetarian community who are traditional traders and businessmen. Many of them may be often involved in breaching norms of propriety in business but their direct involvement in caste violence appears highly remote, if not an improbable, possibility. 

 Despite involvement of Brahmins as a community in Dalit violence being rare, there are instances of landowning Brahmins in Southern state like Kerala imposing many oppressive and exploitative norms against poor Dalits. Besides, moral responsibility of ritual class in endorsing perpetuation of untouchability and discrimination cannot entirely be ignored. But ritual community within Brahmins is very small. Ritual community has its own strengths and pitfalls and there can be no generalisation. If sections among them are considered truthful and honest, there is no dearth of parasitical and vulturous elements in this community who had captured temples and fleeced average and poor in name of rituals. But with large-scale economic and otherwise transformation, most appear as good or bad and the poor among them are indeed vulnerable. 

There is a long list of enlightened members of this community who had pioneered empowerment and education of Dalits. Swami Vivekananda, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Madan Mohan Malviya, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Swami Dayanand Saraswati and Vinoba Bhave are some of the notable examples. Each of them had criticized and opposed untouchability, supported education for Dalits and vociferously supported Temple entry for Dalits. Dayanand Saraswati had opened his Gurukuls for members of Dalit community in mid 19th century whereas Vinoba Bhave distributed a lot of land to landless Dalits in post-independence India. Bal Gangadhar Tilak too was strictly opposed to untouchability, but he had prioritized independence and considered untouchability an internal matter and outcome of prolonged foreign occupation, which he had wanted to address after independence.   

Sustained Political Mobilisation in Name of Caste

Sustained political mobilisation in name of caste, over the last several decades, has vitiated entire social environment to an extent that emotional and psychological cohesion of India as a state and society has come under threat. I recall my interaction, a few months back, with an illustrious former civil servant who was also a parliamentarian and Minister. He had cautioned me that even word against reservation could invite most brutal mob lynching. 

Numerical arithmetic of caste politics has made opposition to caste-based reservations a political suicide. Simultaneously, there has been large-scale articulation of hate on social media against financially poorer members, especially Brahmins. Some of the majoritarian caste groups have threatened to expel them from India or enslave them and violate their women or even frame them up in fake cases over "sins" committed by the latter's forefathers. Such hate helps mobilise significant sections of Hindu population and entire Muslim population who otherwise account for over 90% of Indias against 10 percent of the so-called "Savarna" population.

National Cohesion, Equal Opportunity and Fairness

     The current discourse over reservation has perverted into clash of sub-Hindu identities at the cost of national cohesion, efficient governance and rule of law. In eight decades of independence, massive social engineering and re-engineering has taken place. Many members of OBC, ST and SC have become financially and politically powerful.  At the same time, a significant section from majority castes who have been uplifted, continue to corner most benefits in name of caste disadvantage.  But several members of Dalit community and even OBC continue to live in abject poverty. But so is the case with many so-called Brahmins. The issue requires an innovative solution.  

     Indiscriminate and sustained use of reservations no longer helps uplift the disadvantaged. It has rather turned into a fortress for vested interests. This suits geopolitical agenda of global deep states seeking to crush optimal progress of India. External adversaries of India need not wage a military war to eliminate competition from India. Their objective shall be achieved if they can foist mediocrity and entitlements at cost of excellence, innovation and integrity. 

    Genesis of Reservation: From Interim measure in 1950 to Mandal Commission:

Reservations were brought in Indian constitution, initially for 15 years only as an interim measure to ensure representation for the most impoverished and deprived castes and tribes in govt services as well as institutions of higher learning. Simultaneously, it was expected that rule of law, universal access to quality education and creation of dignified employment opportunities for all shall eliminate the need for reservations. However, the reverse has happened. 

Successive regimes found reservation as a convenient tool for political mobilisation and ignore the core responsibility of governance. No one dared touching reservations. The same has become a permanent feature of life. In fact, hundreds of newer communities have been added in the list of Scheduled caste and Scheduled Tribe with suspected agenda of placating them as support base. 

    Amidst all these, Mandal Commission recommendations were implemented sometime in 1990. The background of the decision was interesting.  Vishwanath Pratap Singh, the then Prime Minister who had formed a government following 1989 polls suddenly found himself in precarious position following withdrawal of support by his associate Chaudhary Devi Lal, a political strong man from Haryana. It is believed that it was out of panic that Singh had implemented these recommendations that were lying in cold storage for long. His objective was to surge mass support in his own favour by stoking caste identity. His decision had invited nation-wide protests, including suicides among students. A large number of youth and leaders from even OBC communities had opposed Mandal Commission and voiced their apprehension that the move would fracture in India’s social fabric and national cohesion.

 It was remarkable that in 2014, the current ruling dispensation was able to substantially bridge the caste divide by securing landslide victory in name of Hindu unity. This was the era when UPA regime had appeared too meek to resist sustained Islamic terror attacks and was overly placating Muslim hardline groups by going soft on Islamic terrorism.

The Enormity of the Problem

    The issue of reservation appears to have assumed monstrous proposition since then. There have been instances where people with minus or big negative markings have secured seats in specialist branches of medical and engineering colleges. Simultaneously, the so-called general category candidates, with much higher positive marks were excluded. India’s premier medical and engineering institutions, such as AIIMS and IITs, have witnessed repeated controversies where merit-based seats have shrunk and reserved seats have expanded disproportionately. The net consequence is serious decline in institutional excellence. When doctors, engineers and scientists are recruited not over competence but over caste, the sanctity of healthcare delivery to national infrastructure and scientific progress of the nation appear compromised, sub-optimal and under attack. 

    Similar is the plight of civil service. Leadership level roles in bureaucracy are not meant for employment generation. While I have always questioned the very colonial structure of Indian civil service, including its recruitment and promotion norms, this additional dilution severely undermines it ability to provide high quality regulatory and enforcement services that can drive excellence in overall governance and national productivity. Even corruption and non-performance become tolerable in the name of caste solidarity. 

Identity Obscures Performance in Governance

 Governance parameters—efficiency, innovation, accountability—appear to have become irrelevant in Indian democracy as caste loyalty supersedes competence. Many key incumbents in Ministries, Universities, and public institutions owe their position less to excellence and more to entitlement. It is not that all beneficiaries owe their pre-eminence to caste alone. Even within the so-called members of upper caste, people owe critical positions due to loyalty rather than merit. The idea of merit itself has been almost permanently discarded. Simultaneously, rule of law also appears increasingly unsustainable amidst rising levels of corruption, caste and personal loyalty. 

    The net outcome is institutionalization of mediocrity and total cap on innovation. Individuals even within the backward and scheduled communities lack motivation and urge to optimize their full potential and excel to the best of their capacity. This is what explains an entire ecosystem, characteriszd by corruption, entitlement and reservation, where Indians living inside India are rarely known for excellence and innovation whereas same Indians do so very well once they migrate to advanced economies and societies, governed by higher quality of rule of law and meritocracy.

    Elites from SC/ST and OBC communities have become disproportionately powerful in politics, bureaucracy and business. Even Prime Minister of India has repeatedly claimed that he belongs to one of the most "backward" communities. This is a clear indicator that meaning of backwardness has nothing to do with deprivation or absence of opportunities. 

 Need for A Deep and Long View on Caste discriminations.

    Indians, especially their elite, need to extricate themselves from self-seeking parochialism and mutual hate. Contrary to some of the Bollywood and foreign funded NGO propaganda castigating chronic caste exploitation over millennia, huge academic evidence suggests that oppressive caste hierarchy may have originated largely during medieval era when India itself was under foreign rule. The poorest among the local population were more oppressed than the rest.   

    There are many credible case studies by eminent sociologists like M N Srinivas, Yogendra Singh, Ghurye, Andre Beteille etc who have demonstrated that castes or Varnas were never closed groups. Even royalties, after defeat in wars were condemned to status of outcastes or Dalits whereas leather workers became Brahmins and tribals and Shudras became Kshatriyas and even royalty once they gained money and power. Mobility was limited but not entirely absent. 

    Further, contrary to opinion of certain historians seeking to project that India also practiced organised slavery, Kautilyan work or for that matter its predecessors like Parashara, Bharadvaja, Vaisalksha, Vatavyadhi, Pisuna etc, referred in this work, have also not been quoted about existence of organised slavery. The word Dasa and Dasyu has been intermittently used in Vedic texts appears more in context of tamed communities who might have been violent and aggressive otherwise and robbing or attacking the dominant tribes.

 One of the primary reasons that ancient India lacked impressive monuments like palaces of Kings or private tomb of royals and elite was due to absence of organised slavery. Later on, it were temples that came up as mega structures. Temple builders were largely respected artists and not slave labour. On the other hand, all mega structures all over the world – varying from Egypt, Rome, West Asia and China etc had been built by slave labour. Whole of West continued to trade in slave labour until the end of 19^th Century. Slavery and large-scale Harem culture was again a West Asian Hittite, Mongol and Arab phenomenon that crept into Islam. 

On the other hand, even Oxford and Cambridge history of India written in 19th Century by the Western experts have maintained that children from same family were assigned different Varnas depending upon their aptitude and ability. It is wider intellectual and societal decay in course of time that made these divisions hereditary, deeply hierarchical and oppressive. Even Shudras appear more like manual workers and not slaves in Kautilyan Arthashastra, which is a much later era work.     

    Things could never have been ideal in an externally subjugated prosperous society.  It is time that Indians appreciate their real governance challenges and priorities and attempt to build a robust and progressive society instead of reverting back to perverse parochialism. Brahminical ritualism deserves serious review on parameters of national productivity and there is need for serious refinement.

    Despite all these pitfalls, the so-called Brahmin community has produced many individuals who can be considered conscience keeper of India as a civilization. Yet it does not mean that brilliant, educated, skilled individuals with higher integrity quotient did not emerge in other communities. In due course, all such individuals and their clans were co-opted in the Brahmin community through phenomenon of Sanskritization. There is a famous Yog Guru who has popularised Yog and Ayurved in India. Though he was born in an OBC family but he declares that he is a Brahmin by his deeds and outlook and the world must recognise him as one as per Vedic texts.

    Early childhood exposures and indoctrination in scriptures, which essentially have humanist ethos, may have played a role in building relatively higher integrity quotient and instinct towards academic learning among sections of Brahmins. Yet there are several significant and serious aberrations and exceptions as well. Because those early traditions have been disrupted and genes alone never determine personal qualities of individuals. 

    I have had detailed discussion and evaluation of raw data of a very eminent sociologist of current era who cited how most of upwardly mobile communities have adopted Kshatriya or Rajput surnames. Whereas a disproportionately large percentage of Brahmins in rural areas have seen negligible or negative financial upward mobility except where they have benefited through modern education. In this context, recent projections of Brahmins as violent, unethical and debauched community by several Bollywood movies appears nothing but unrestricted all out civilisational warfare against India. 

Meritocracy Alone Sustains Excellence

    A vibrant society thrives on meritocracy and fair competition.  We have seen how societies like Singapore have risen from poverty to prosperity by institutionalizing meritocracy and eliminating entitlements. Competence, innovation, and integrity propelled round excellence of that small island nation. Similarly, South Korea’s investment in universal education and competition transformed it into a technological powerhouse. Norway or model democracies of Scandinavia have institutionalized fairness and equal opportunity in all dimensions of life to outperform even giant states on parameters of public infrastructure and efficiency of governance institutions. 

    Even China’s sustained surge is driven by exceptional level of meritocracy and performance driven specialist leadership in civil service. India has enormous potential and strengths. Reservations is not the sole form of entitlement that is plaguing society. But it would be seen that the biggest votaries of reservations are all entitlement driven dynasts, who lack any other quality, vision or capacity to transform India. They are thriving personally at cost of the nation rather than demonstrating any ability and commitment to transform India through abilities on parameters of statecraft, vision or leadership. 

 Towards Future

India needs to restructure its entire governance apparatus, including bureaucracy, judiciary and legislature to ensure:

1. Universal Access to Quality Education: investments in schools, universities, and vocational training as well personal values and character building can enhance productive capacities of our entire population. Instead of disproportionately rewarding few jobs, for which there is unreasonable heavy competition, every job should offer a degree of dignity and level of economic security. 

2. Creation of a culture of genuine leadership at district level: The district level administration in India constitutes the fulcrum of governance at grassroots level. Many districts in India have more population than several smaller members of the United Nations. A serious change at this level can bring about genuine transformation of society. It is high time we dispensed colonial relic of "collector Raj" on whose mercy and discretion most of average Indians survive, and they, in turn, thrive at mercy and discretion of political masters rather than contribution to nation building and society. 

    I have recommended creation of an apparatus of effective democracy at district level that is party-less. Experienced and mature incumbents from bureaucracy can act as CEOs but the district set up must led by people's representative.  Govt at this level must plan and build capacities in healthcare, education, municipal governance etc in collaboration with all concerned within the state and central govts to ensure gainful employability of entire population and universal access to education. Details in this direction are available in my interviews and other papers.

3. Universities, civil services, judiciary and defence forces must strictly be kept away from caste politics.  These must induct and reward incumbents on basis of performance and excellence. The advanced world and our neighbours like China are moving on accelerated high end technological innovation whereas we are being pushed under the weight of identity conflicts. Such relative backwardness is nothing but an open invitation to disaster.  

     My paper on Indocracy and other write ups on this blog and outside offer further details. 

Conclusion: A Cohesive India is Critical for a Safer World 

    We must appreciate that we are living in a highly competitive and yet a trust deficit volatile world. Internal discords and divides had cost us very heavily as a state and civilisation in past. If we fall back in trap of entitlement, dishonesty and identity driven discords that fractures our national cohesion, we shall jeopardise our security and sovereignty once again. This is what explains our relative under-performance on all parameters of governance compared to our northern neighbour. Such sub-optimal performance on governance parameters threatens our long-term security as a nation.

    Reservation in jobs and higher education was conceived as an interim corrective. It has turned into the biggest instrument of societal divide as well as assault on integrity of governance.  Caste-based discrimination was an abhorrent practice that had survived in this country for centuries. But it clearly stemmed more from extreme poverty and deprivations that rendered a community vulnerable and helpless in absence of rule of law. This may later have turned into societal and cultural practice, influencing our psyche. There is no space for caste based entitlement or discrimination in a modern and progressive state. We do not need to waste time in looking for evidences of involvement of global deep states in exacerbating caste divides and undermining our progress. The net outcome of caste divide suits their agenda and hence, as a nation, we must remedy the situation.   

    Our fight for national cohesion must not restrict to bridging caste divide alone. We must address communal divide as well.  I have consistently maintained that we must fight and crush radicalism, terrorism and organised crime in name of Islam. But any attempt to demonise our entire Muslim population is not merely abhorrent and unethical but goes against the very spirit of our civilsational ethos. Cultured, sophisticated, ethical and deeply Indianised and patriotic Muslims may be in minority. But they are a reality within India and outside. This group in India not merely strengthens and enriches our social and cultural mosaic and spiritual nationalism but has enormously contributed to national power in every sphere of human existence. 

    West has consistently tried to denigrate us and bring us at par with Pakistan, painting us as Hindus and Pakistan as Muslim. Compromised Pakistani military-Mullah complex has been doing the bidding on their behalf by attacking us in a variety of ways. We must fight this irregular warfare smartly and crush them at minimal costs but ensure our optimal all-round progress but also retain our identity as composite humanist state and civilisation. Caste and communal divide are the worst possible traps and instruments of warfare that undermine our collective and comprehensive progress not merely in moral terms but in practical terms.  

     It was poverty of integrity, courage, foresight and genuine statesmanship in successive generations of elite of a prosperous pre-medieval India that may have led to loss of our sovereignty and sustained mauling of our civilisation. We need something far more formidable to reverse the course to forge a genuinely strong national and societal cohesion.   

    Hence, it is time we transcended from caste and communal divide to national cohesion.  We must remember that a stronger India is not only crucial for destiny of one and half billions Indians living in India and tens of millions of Indians living overseas. It is also critical for larger strategic equilibrium of the global order. Hence, every Indian needs to act with a degree of responsibility and dignity that makes them honourable. Let us hope that Indian youth demonstrate courage and conviction to rise above self-seeking opportunism and petty parochialism. They think and act like Indians and global humans or part of a larger cosmic entity, as enshrined in our civilisational ethos, that defines the whole of universe. That will be the true liberation of soul of India and resurrection of its dignity as a great civilisation.    

                                    ******************************************

INDIA: REFLECTIONS ON 80TH INDEPENDENCE DAY

An Impartial Reflection

     As we celebrate our Eightieth Independence Day and pay our respectful tribute to our freedom fighters, many of whom sacrificed their everything, including their lives at prime of their youth, we must also reflect upon our journey as a republic. 

    Independence from colonialism was an opportunity to renew, regenerate and regain our uniquely humanist civilisational identity, driven by values and ethos that had once catapulted us to the pinnacle of exceptional intellectual, scientific, material, cultural and spiritual advancement, long before foreign rule and colonial subjugation. Regeneration of eternal humanism, and contribution towards betterment of the world, was the promise that we had held not only to ourselves, as a nation, but to all those sections of humanity that had believed in us.   

     Our journey, as a republic, over the last eight decades is filled with such accomplishments that generate pride. Yet it is also marred with severe under performance and disappointments on several counts, especially given our promises and potentials. 

     This piece attempts a dispassionate and objective evaluation of journey of independent India only to offer a perspective towards better future for Indians and the world.   

Our Progress As a Unified Nation

    Our evolution as a unified and cohesive nation, given the conditions in which we gained independence in 1947, is an account of grit, determination and vision of the earliest architects of independent India. They proved all naysayers wrong who had doubted our ability to hold together as a nation, given our diversity and constraints. 

    We have survived horrors of partition, deprivations of poverty, unprovoked wars imposed by deceitful neighbours, protracted insurgencies backed by external forces, linguistic and religious tensions ignited by parochial forces, social upheavals and internal turmoil inflicted by overly ambitious politicians and authoritarian streaks of few elected leaders. We have often faltered on geopolitics and security due to prolonged disruption of scientific practices of statecraft during foreign rule. 

    Yet we have remained a stable democracy and a vibrant society. Governments have repeatedly changed hands through largely free, fair and peaceful elections. Unlike many post-colonial states, who have faced recurrent military coups, we have had a remarkable democratic continuity, despite enormity of our challenges. This is again a reflection of higher quotient of societal trust and altruism in society that had survived despite centuries of foreign rule. It is this strength that enabled us sustain democracy even under most adverse circumstances. 

Economic Transformation

    The economic transformation of post-independence India, despite severity of constraints and sub-optimal institutions, is testimony of resilience, innovation and adaptability of our people. From an almost a semi-primitive agrarian and state-controlled economy, we have evolved into a dynamic global economic hub.  With a roughly $4 trillion economy, growing at 7.6 percent in 2025 according to the World Bank, (India Development Update - April 2026: https://data.worldbank.org/country/india), we are one of the major drivers of global economic growth.  

    Our digital infrastructure, pharmaceutical manufacturing, formidable space programme, sustained information technology output, transformative automotive sector, surging financial technology prowess, clean energy, semi-conductor and AI initiatives and overall entrepreneurial ecosystem have given us a strong global heft. Yet we our overall performance remains suboptimal. We are one of the poorest countries in the world, in term of per capita income.  

    Nevertheless, success of Chandrayaan-3, Aditya-L1 and the continuing expansion of India’s space capabilities have demonstrated that Indian institutions can accomplish far more complex goals with sheer competence and commitment of our scientists driven by a stronger national purpose (Achievements of Department of Space - 2025).

    Similarly, achievements of our global diaspora reinforce our self -belief as a people. Most expatriate Indians are intelligent, prosperous and disproportionately influential and contributing to progress of several advanced economies with relatively transparent, efficient and equitable institutions. This only reinforces belief in strength of Indian way of life, characterized by family values and unqualified parental support to children. If we can build efficient institutions at home that can nurture and harness our human resource for national purpose, probably the quality and pace of our national advancement shall multiply manifold.

Uncomfortable Paradox:

   India after conclusion of first quarter of 21st century manifests a paradox of world-class excellence amidst an ocean of societal constraints and institutional mediocrity.

    National Family & Health Survey (NFHS)-6 has found that 29.3 percent of Indian children under five had stunted growth and 19 percent were underweight due to malnutrition. (National Family Health Survey (NFHS-6) 2023-2024 Fact Sheets.pdf) Figures were 38 percent and 32 percent respectively 5 years back. Both the factors are known to cause severe impairment of physical strength and cognition capacity leading to sub-optimal productivity over life-time.

    Successive Annual Status of Education Reports continues to reveal serious deficits in foundational learning. Our workforce remains inadequately skilled. Similarly Economic Surveys have repeatedly highlighted the extraordinarily low proportion of Indians receiving formal vocational training.  

    Approximately 800 million Indians, accounting for over 60% of total population depend upon free ration for survival. 

    The most important resource of a nation is not land, minerals, metals and capital. But it is the quality of human resource and cohesion among them. This is what drives progress of a nation and advancement of a civilisation. While we are deficient in natural resources as well, given the size of our population, significant weakness in our overall quality of human resource, especially their skills and productive capacity and quality of cohesion, is seriously worrying.   

Unprofessional Generalist Bureaucracy?

    Our bureaucracy has many brilliant and incorruptible incumbents. Yet it appears substantially entitlement driven, unprofessional and rent-collecting behemoth, lacking uniform capacity and commitment to address transformational goals and priorities of the nation. But to be fair to spirited and visionary incumbents within civil service, institutional and societal ecosystem also do not provide a conducive environment for excellence, innovation and integrity.

    Citizens spend huge time and energy navigating bureaucratic hurdles for their day today existence. It is nearly impossible to get even birth and death certificates without bribes in most parts of the country. Victims of even most heinous crime struggle to register FIR with police if they cannot pay or lack connections. 

    Entrepreneurs struggle with routine permissions, regulatory uncertainty, litigation and informal transactions or underhand payments.  Bureaucratic institutions rarely encourage and support entrepreneurship with timely approvals and proper guidance. But illicit networks often appear to thrive right under the nose of regulatory institutions or at times in collusion with malicious elements within these. Innovators in critical areas of advanced technology or even national security encounter more administrative friction than cerebral challenges. 

  Simultaneously, upright and professional civil servants often discover that integrity pushes them more often on a lonely and risky trajectory. At times, these invite severe systemic wrath and even all-out hybrid warfare that is impossible for inadequately paid honest civil servants to withstand. 

    Instead of any quick fixes, we need a comprehensive restructuring of entire Indian civil service. I have outlined earlier that the current structures - where generalist paratroop at the top - makes our entire governance apparatus uncompetitive by substantially eliminating space for expertise and competition driven excellence. Besides, leadership has become more complex where a degree of technical expertise and continuity, alongside larger vision, appears indispensable for effective output. 

     We are living in a highly competitive world. Inefficient civil service can retard our comprehensive national output on various parameters of progress. A trimmed and efficacious civil service, where recruitments are based on combination of aptitude, skills and commitment shall re-energise governance. Similarly, if leadership roles are earned by performance- both on parameters of technical and leadership output- it may usher in a process of healthy competition, raising the levels of excellence

    Like judiciary, unnecessary frills and colonial privileges within bureaucracy also generate insecurity and entitlement among incumbents. Civil servants need to emerge as professionals and contributors of national power. 

    Ironically the current bureaucratic edifice has been inherited from a colonial government that did not trust local population and hence they positioned their own nationals at the top, even if they were not capable of addressing responsibilities. Later they opened doors for loyalists from local population as well. But the primary objective of colonial civil service remained ensuring State control over local population and stability of ruling machinery rather than wellbeing of the people. Post-independence Indian civil service has undoubtedly evolved. But far more is required to infuse professionalism, integrity, excellence and autonomy within its ranks to lend greater earnestness to our goals of accelerated national transformation. I have dealt with this issue in my earlier write ups and Indocracy interviews as well.     

Sluggish, Inconsistent and Inaccessible Criminal Justice System

    A sluggish, inconsistent and inaccessible criminal justice system, widely perceived to be substantially corrupt, has been choking our collective progress by breeding avoidable conflicts and frictions. I have written extensively on this issue in recent months and even earlier. There are many brilliant judges and fearless cops. Yet they appear inadequate in larger systemic encumbrances choking our justice delivery system. 

    The National Judicial Data Grid currently records more than 5.4 crore pending cases, including nearly 3.9 crore criminal cases (Judicial pendency in India | Data For India). The justice that arrives decades late, if not beyond lifetimes, and often skips less publicized cases, substantially loses its meaning, purpose and credibility. When people are exposed to chronic injustice, oppression and insecurity, where injustice appears a norm rather than exception, it may lead to persistent hyperactivation of the amygdala and stress pathways. These can produce long‑lasting epigenetic modifications in genes, negatively impacting psychological health, emotional stability and overall outlook to life. 

    Similarly, people getting away with breach of social trust and assault on society develop another sense of entitlement. Over time, these changes reshape neural circuitry for fear, anger, vigilance, anxiety, distrust, societal dishonesty, emotional imbalance and a variety of other disorders etc. Some of these neural disorders may get so deeply embedded that it may persist over generations. 

    I once again reiterate that judicial clogging and inconsistent justice can never be resolved raising the number of judges. I have recommended a very large number of concrete measures in my earlier write ups. These include de-colonisation of character of Indian judiciary to banning of practicing lawyers from turning judges, besides measures against cronyism in recruitment to higher judiciary by collegium method among others. Professional knowledge, skill, courage, integrity and mental resilience must be at the core of both recruitment, training and mental conditioning of judges at all levels. 

    Similarly, litigation process needs simplification. Perjury and frivolous or avoidable litigations deserve criminalization. Specialisation among litigation lawyers and transparent fee structures, defining number of hours required in each category of matters, shall prevent monopolization of courtroom victories and lucrative cases by few top lawyers. While false complaints of corruption against sitting judges must be severely punished but credible allegations and willful subversion of justice require an impartial investigation and deterrent punishment. 

    Indian state needs to consider withdrawal of constitutional immunity of judges up to the level of High Court. Supreme Court should rather have a Judicial accountability commission as a bench to continuously monitor conduct of 1000 plus Judges of 20 odd High Courts of the country. Such accountability will enhance the quality and speed of justice delivery system and substantially ease pressure on top court. Similar credible Internal Complaint Commission or Accountability Commission is required for district court judges at High Court. Constitutional immunity for judges should be restricted only up to Supreme Court. Voting in impeachment procedure should not be secret and no whip should be allowed in these. 

    Simultaneously, counter-intelligence agency should be allowed to keep entire judiciary under serious surveillance to guard them against such linkage or association that may undermine justice delivery system. There should be a standard laid down procedure on ways of reporting and quick disposal of improper professional conduct by judges at every level. Reporting of improprieties by judges of High courts should go to Supreme Court and similarly Supreme Court judges need to be reported to CJI. In case of anything suspicious coming to notice regarding CJI, the matter should be reported to President of India and if the findings are genuine, the concerned CJI must resign. If any incumbent of judiciary or Indian state is found to be genuinely involved in actions that amount active collaboration or passive approval in larger covert warfare against the nation or subversion of our democracy and national security or institutional integrity by external forces, all immunities should be waived the incumbent must be lawfully charged with waging war against the nation and awarded severest punishment within the quickest possible time. 

    Similarly, there should also be an impartial and financially independent oversight committee of retired judges of Supreme Court to monitor conduct of intelligence agencies and sensitive enforcement agencies. This will ensure that they act professionally and not for partisan agenda or personal gains. This is a standard practice in advanced democracies. But we should go a few steps ahead given systemic constraints and our overall challenges, to enhance efficacy of systems. 

    Needless to mention that judges at every level need to be paid well. Unnecessary frills and colonial style bungalows with army of personal staffs and fancy imported cars can only encourage financial insecurity in poorly paid judges along with a sense of entitlement.  

    Yet our country should never appear like an open jail where citizens live under fear, anxiety or stress. State must protect, help, inform, educate, nurture and correct people rather than investing its energies only in coercing people. Punishment is required only in cases of incorrigible offenders. Like doctors remove cells of cancer from human body, serious offenders need to be removed from society in most painless ways. But those who can be healed and corrected deserve empathetic approach from state and criminal justice system.    

    An effective judiciary has enormous capacity to unlock and unleash comprehensive potentials of a society. But efficacy of judiciary depends to a great extent upon quality of professionalism within enforcement agencies and overall integrity of political space and societal ecosystem. Nevertheless, despite constraints in these sectors, only an enlightened and spirited judiciary can spearhead transformation and renewal of national cohesion by exemplary judgments. Deterrent judgments can bring down number of crimes and litigations. But an inefficient and subverted judiciary can destroy even the most vibrant and thriving society. Besides, the syllabus of law colleges needs serious overhaul to improve the intellectual, professional and ethical quotient of law graduates. Besides tactical knowledge of law, they need to be trained in national security and social cohesion.

    A healthy and vibrant society and robust state is not the one where citizens are overwhelmingly discordant and squabbling to overburden the judiciary with avoidable litigations. Healthy and vibrant societies are those where police and courts are less burdened by crime and disputes to focus more on prevention of crimes and disputes to improve the quality of social trust and cohesion to unleash total potential of people.  Such a phenomenon shall reduce the need for large number of lawyers, thriving on conflict, litigation and misery of citizens. Investment of deeper and innovative wisdom from a variety of spheres can foster trust and collaboration in society.

  Corruption

    It has been universally acknowledged that corruption is a cancer that slowly kills a society. In independent India, corruption has been repeatedly described as an acceptable way of life for its elite and upwardly mobile masses. This is the single most factor responsible for underdevelopment of India, rampant poverty and poor public infrastructure. 

 — Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2025 (Berlin: Transparency International, 2025) has observed that public institutions are routinely undermined by rent-seeking behavior, where political and bureaucratic elites manipulate rules for private gain, eroding trust in governance. Transparency International’s 2025 index gives India 39/100 and ranks it 91st among 182 countries. (India - Transparency.org; Aug 14)) While the index is not a verdict on every Indian institution, yet it is a reminder that corruption remains rampant enough to cripple national capability. 

    Eminent Indian academic Pratap Bhanu Mehta has alleged in a write up that Judicial appointments and transfers often face allegations of favoritism and opaque decision-making, weakening the credibility of the justice system (The Crisis of Institutions in India,” Journal of Democracy 34, no. 2 (2023): 45–59.) A well-known Indian journal Caravan published a story few months back alleging serious corruption against none other than Chief Justice of India. Such a situation seriously dents public faith in judiciary.   

 Another credible academic R. Vaidyanathan, in his work Corruption and Development: The Indian Paradox (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2024) has observed "Large-scale public procurement and infrastructure projects are plagued by kickbacks and inflated contracts, draining resources meant for development." 

There are multiple credible researches that have outlined the enormity of corruption and its impact on institutions, governance and quality of development. Yet the damages inflicted by corruption are unfathomable. It shall not be an exaggeration to state that corruption appears deliberately fused not only in system but also psyche. But the same continues to drain massive resources of the nation at one level and undermine not only progress as a state and society but also peril our long-term survival and security in competitive and somewhat hostile world. It is beyond capacity of courts and police to dent the menace of corruption. India needs serious and comprehensive systemic restructuring for which its key stakeholders need to build a degree of consensus.   

Not So Robust Core of Economic Strength

    Despite impressive growth rate, India's economic strength, especially in the larger global context, appears fairly hollow at its core. Consumption-led growth appears driven more by trading, services and imports rather than serious industrial prowess or innovation. The World Bank has repeatedly underlined India’s meagre R&D expenditure- less than 1% of GDP- which dents its ability to generate breakthrough technologies and forces dependence on imports for critical sectors. The IMF has cautioned that structural imbalances — weak manufacturing depth, fragmented supply chains, and poor productivity growth — continue to undermine competitiveness. There are 

    Monopolies and duopolies dominate key industries, stifling enterprise and reducing serious competition to rituals. This clearly smacks of rigged regulatory mechanisms. India has 308 billionaires who control over 10% of national wealth. Given abject poverty of our masses, this is a worrying phenomenon for long-term economic stability of the nation. Indians outside India are known for innovation but innovation inside India thrives only in few isolated pockets. Systemic incentives for innovation and genuine industrial enterprise appears too deficient. As expanding market, we appear to lack enduring strength in form of robust ecosystem for innovation and diversified industrial capacity. This seriously impedes our aspiration for strategic autonomy and economic prowess commensurate with our size. The entire situation is an outcome of fragile institutions and overall deficient ecosystem.

Flight of Capital and Super-Skilled Human Resource

    Poor systems continue to expel a huge amount of capital and talent from the country. Henley Private Wealth Migration report estimated a net outflow of about 3,500 millionaires from India in 2025. (Henley Private Wealth Migration Report 2025 | Henley & Partners). A degree of wealth and talent migration in a globalised world is unavoidable. But persistent and disproportionate outward migration of wealth and skilled human resource should provoke a harder question. This dangerously impacts the quality and pace of economic development. It is a clear indicator that citizens are not feeling secure, respected and institutionally rewarded within their homeland. 

World stands today at a critical inflection point. Frontier technologies like Artificial General Intelligence, CRISPR gene editing, quantum computing, semiconductors, green hydrogen, advanced biotechnology, space exploration, and next‑generation communications — technologies are redefining global power and prosperity. These no longer appear optional luxuries in competitive and inter-connected world. Rather these shall be pillars on which economic sovereignty, military security and cultural influence shall rest. Those who lag behind shall be condemned to dependency while leaders may set standards and control entire supply chains. India runs the serious risk of being reduced to strategic irrelevance. Our paradox is ironically too stark. Indian innovators and entrepreneurs thrive abroad, spearheading breakthroughs in Silicon Valley and biotech labs to financial hubs. But at home they more often face neglect, bureaucratic harassment, systemic discouragement, besides lesser financial incentives and difficult life emanating from poor public infrastructure and deficient security and criminal justice system among others.

 According to UNESCO Science Report (2021), Over 1 million high-end emigrant researchers and engineering graduates are from India (India | 2021 Science Report). Similarly, Elsevier Global Researcher Survey (2026) states that 52% of India‑based researchers have conveyed their intent to relocate abroad. This is the highest figure worldwide. Scanning of US National Science Foundation (NSF) data suggests that 25% of foreign STEM PhDs in the US are Indians and above 70%. of them never return to India. Even OECD figures have consistently ranked India among the top exporters of skilled migrants to advanced economies.

    A recent media report suggested that India's highly feted space organisation ISRO has been plagued by large scale resignations. Around 100–120 scientists have resigned from different ISRO centres, including UR Rao Satellite Centre (Bengaluru) and Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (Thiruvananthapuram). These can negatively impact Gaganyaan (human spaceflight), SpaDeX (space docking experiment) and Chandrayaan‑3. A variety of factors have been cited and attributed for these. These include lack of creative freedom to oppressive hierarchies and bureaucratic roadblocks besides better opportunities and living conditions abroad. Even a parliamentary discussion in 2026 conceded that large numbers of IIT alumni migrate abroad for higher studies or employment. There are media reports that suggest that 60 to 70% of PhD scholars and over 30% of top engineering graduates from IITs/IISc eventually migrate from the country. Most discussions on brain drain appear superficial. 

Substantial Cartelisation and Criminalisation of Political Space

    India’s political discourse over the last few decades has become excessively rancorous. Rival political formations appear to condemn and curse each other for electoral victories rather than offering constructive perspective towards nation building and institutional reforms. Most public discussions on politics focus more on electoral wins and losses rather than governance issues.

    The 2014 electoral verdict in India appeared substantially a repudiation of the prevailing ways of governance. Accumulated legitimacy deficit of the UPA years, corruption scandals, policy paralysis and a widespread perception that the political system had become an entitlement machine had contributed to regime change. The current government has unquestionably pushed up India’s trajectory in infrastructure, digital governance, welfare delivery, financial inclusion, external positioning, strategic ambition and technological aspirations.   

    Yet the challenges of corruption appear to have multiplied. These seem increasingly systemic. Institutional-structural deficiencies have aggravated in many sectors. I have always maintained that it is impossible for courts and investigative agencies, on their own, to contain corruption within a tolerable threshold, even though these are needed and may be doing a good work in patches.  Spirited cartels appear to have captured several institutions for their own private agenda. Many institutions have witnessed serious erosion in their integrity and efficacy, even though loyal incumbents are often able to deliver on tactical priorities of the regime quite efficiently. This somehow obfuscates the larger reality. But overall strategic capacity of state institutions appears to be on decline. 

    Indians must appreciate that great leaders are temporary but good institutions are permanent. A powerful leader can accelerate progress of a state. But only institutions can sustain that acceleration.      

      Opaque political funding has perennially undermined the quality of our democracy. This challenge has continued to rise instead of waning. In one of the rare courageous judgments in recent years, the Supreme Court in 2024 struck down the Electoral Bond Scheme, describing it unconstitutional  (Supreme Court declares electoral bonds scheme unconstitutional - The Hindu). But more than anything, this issue exposes the sustained structural challenge of opaque and unrestrained political funding. Even though the Court held that non-disclosure of political contributions violated citizens’ right to information and struck down provisions permitting unlimited corporate contributions, one is not clear how much difference the judgment has made towards bringing transparency in political funding.

    It is unfortunate that this matter failed to attract any bipartisan or even public discourse. 

 On the other hand, we come across criticism that 'Leader of Opposition appears to believe that controlling India is his divine fundamental right.' Critics cite his actions and speeches that suggests that 'he appears aggrieved that this right to rule India has been illegitimately taken away' from him by the current Prime Minister.' All his criticisms of the government appear to more of personal nature, targeting the Prime Minister and incumbents of the government and their associates. But there is no credible perspective or vision for institutional and structural reforms to address these issues in general. While his criticisms of the government have been relevant on many issues and these have rightfully brought the Government under pressure, but the tone and approach appear way less than dignified, effective and even credible. Large sections of educated population, especially military veterans, nationalist intelligentsia and even sections of youth appear to view him with serious suspicion given his dynastic entitlement and a number of close associates. 

    If viewed from the prism of national security, almost entire political opposition of Indian fails to offer convincing escape from the current predicament or challenges gripping the political space of India. Most parties remain trapped in dynastic entitlement, patronage politics, personality cult, and negative mobilisation and corrupt politics, instead of offering a powerful perspective or vision for governance or serious institutional reform. Opposition parties appear too tactical in approach and focused only on removal of current government. Internal democracy, intellectual renewal and regeneration, culture of principled dissidence and discourse, driven by public good remain conspicuously weak in all political parties. Loyalty is always valued over integrity and intellect.  

The challenge becomes more serious given sustained criminalisation of political space. As per a Supreme Court’s August 2026 affidavit, 251 Lok Sabha MPs and 75 Rajya Sabha MPs face criminal charges. These involve 210 cases of serious offences punishable with five years or more. 14 of the 28 state chief ministers also face criminal charges and some of them face dozens of charges. There are presently over 4,000 criminal cases against legislators. One can visualise the consequences of violators of law and accused in serious crimes wielding legislative and executive powers. This may be one of the principal causes hindering efficiency of investigative agencies and judicial processes. Such a situation is bound to erode public trust in political systems and overall credibility and efficacy of our democratic processes.

    It is extremely difficult in political culture built around inherited entitlement or personality cult, and backed by substantial number of crime accused, to suddenly become engine of national and institutional transformation. It is both a cause and consequence combined deficiency of political, bureaucratic and judicial institutions, making it a serious crisis gripping Indian democracy. It shall not be unfair to observe that India's entire political space appears largely cartelised and substantially criminalised to significantly reduce scope for high-quality ideas, leadership and a genuine discourse on national issues with integrity and patriotism. This is the principal impediment to our optimal progress as a nation. 

This issue can never be redressed by moral exhortations and cosmetic criticisms by our courts. It calls for deep and comprehensive restructuring of our institutions. My paper on Indocracy, as published in Think India journal, and my observations during a seminar on reform on political parties as well as another write up on blog on this subject, offer detailed structured recommendations/perspective in this direction.

Security and Geopolitics

India continues to struggle in the trap created by the receding colonisers who fractured our composite national-cultural identity by raking up the monster of xenophobic Islamic radicalism that resulted in creation of sectarian state like Pakistan which eventually turned into the biggest aggregator of terrorism and organised crime. It also left behind a confused border issue with China that we have neither appreciated nor resolved.  I have explained in my 2020 paper on national security that how threats and challenges in the region, that we face as a nation, are far more than routine neighbourly irritants. We have seen a wide range of complex grey zone wars to identity conflicts, covert and proxy wars. Both West and China seek to equate us with Pakistan to undermine our inherent moral strengths. 

    Pakistan’s military establishment's complex network of terror proxies and organised crime group for asymmetric covert warfare against India is well known. Ironically, the two major super-powers, China and USA, have their own strategic calculations that has shaped their outlook on this issue.  India should have understood much earlier that identity war by Pakistan was not merely a law-and-order problem or a territorial dispute. Smart statecraft warranted intelligence superiority, military deterrence, diplomatic isolation, economic leverage, ideological resilience and competent justice delivery system at home to protect not only our own national cohesion but effectively curb this threat.

    Yet Indian state needs to be careful that its enemy is violent extremism and radical thought process. An effective governance apparatus and strong national cohesion, alongside robust geopolitical-security infrastructure is the only way to contain this threat. Indian state has to guard its Muslims from radicalisation by ensuring their integration at one level and deterring any hint of radical propaganda and actions.  

   India also needs strong strategic realism to shape its relationship with the wider world. Western powers, China, Russia and others pursue their own interests and agenda. Some may welcome India’s rise but only for their own interests. Others may likely to balance it by propping up Pakistan. United States has appeared to prefer India to be strong enough to be useful and yet it is back to its old ways to propping up Pakistan to neutralise India. India enjoys a big space for strategic convergence of geopolitical, economic and security interests with a large number of powers.  Yet this opportunity can be availed only stronger institutional capacities at home.

    India has traditionally enjoyed a degree of goodwill across faultlines in West Asia, Central Asia, Africa, Far East and South America. This was outcome of a variety of factors, especially our humanist-pacifist image and outlook as a state. During era of American hostility in the previous century, many American allies frequently took anti-India position. But a combination of economic, military and technological prowess has potential to alter the larger geopolitical calculus within the region and beyond to win more active allies and passive supporters. India need not take partisan stands to endorse states facing isolation. Serious security partners do not need open diplomatic mollycoddling. It is better to keep such relations under the wrap.       

    Further, it is naive to expect any global or regional hegemon to allow India to be strong enough to become consequential on its own or emerge as a formidable power. Yet we have to find our own ways and quietly negotiate challenges in this direction. Deception, ruthlessness and cold calculations have always been integral component of geopolitics. These shall continue to remain so even in foreseeable future. We must convince our corporate leaders to be partners in institution building in India rather than act as collaborators in institutional subversion for short term financial gains. It is possible for them to realign their goals in a manner where their own profitability and rise can converge with larger national priorities.  In a globalised world, an India with fragile institutions can expose them to far more serious vulnerability. 

    We must also appreciate that there are so many transnational financial, technological and strategic interests that profiteer from sub-optimal progress of India.  They would like our continued under-performance and dependence on them. Our weaker criminal justice system and poor regulations allow them to profiteer at bigger scale. They have no moral commitment to our strategic progress. They would like to cripple domestic enterprise and industry by subverting our own institutions. Most may not be foreigners. But in a globalised world, no domestic network can thrive without powerful global patronage. We need to deal with it calmly and not emotionally. 

      Stakeholders of India cannot afford to act on assumptions that the world wants us to succeed. Pleasing or soothing words of our external friends and adversaries need to be reciprocated but we cannot lose focus of deeper understanding and evaluation of different shades of external entities and contexts.  Institutional resilience alone can help us negotiate with external world more efficaciously. World respects power and careful harnessing of power further enhance comprehensive strength.  

    Our sheer survival, in a competitive and hostile world, warrants us to become economically too formidable to be coerced, technologically too innovative to be intimidated, institutionally too resilient to be subverted and strategically too valuable to be ignored. This is possible not by expression of aspirations and intent. We need genuine leaders or an army of professional leaders in different spheres. There is no dearth of smart and committed brains in our society. India never ceased to produce individuals with sagely integrity and high-quality intellect. It is imperative that they are brought together and their strengths are optimally harnessed.     

Need For a Fundamental Shift in Outlook: Relevance of Indocracy

    India needs a fundamental shift in way it interprets national power and identifies its priorities. GDP on its own is no reflection of national power. Neither are missiles, aircraft carriers or sophisticated weaponry sourced from foreign manufacturers. This is especially given our larger context. Even diplomatic visibility on its own has limited value.

    National power is the compound result of healthy citizens, educated minds, productive workers, robust and trustworthy institutions that promote excellence, technological capability, economic depth, military strength, social cohesion and national confidence and an overall culture of excellence, innovation and entrepreneurship, and total freedom for conscientious and enlightened dissidence. State has to appear protector, benefactor and corrector of every citizen, especially the high-end contributors to national power in every realm.

The governance question facing India at this juncture is deceptively simple:

How do we enhance maximum potential of every Indian and harness the same to achieve our national goals with right priorities?

This is where Indocracy becomes relevant.

    Indocracy is based on much deeper understanding of human psyche, evolutionary journey of India as well as major civilisations and their strategic psyche, especially the way these have evolved, alongside a very broad range of issues varying from governance, geopolitics, warfare, security, technology, science and economy etc. Though the entire idea is not in public domain, yet the broad contours are available. It is a scientific blueprint of a strategic statecraft that may not be perfect and requires continuous refinement. Yet Indocracy envisions a mutually empowering equilibrium between individuals and institutions and institutions and society as well as society and state. It also draws from ancient wisdom on harmony between man and nature. 

    It comes down to focusing on right priorities and appropriate capacities in each context to pursue the same. It offers a reliable framework towards societal and national transformation.

    Indocracy has also offered a comprehensive and integrated framework of all dimensions of security and warfare, integrating these with geopolitics and intelligence. It has spelled out a model for prevention, preemption and deterrence of conflicts at home by integrating governance with security and making the two proactive. Simultaneously, it has also spelled out a principle of short, swift and decisive intelligent warfare involving minimal human and material costs as well as avoidance of collateral damages. 

    There are no shortcuts in this direction. Building great states and great civilisations warrant lifetimes of dedicated efforts and initiatives over generations towards building appropriate network of dynamic institutions that are efficacious in specific context of a state in each era.       

       A commitment and progress in this direction shall be the best tribute that we can pay to our freedom fighters and martyrs even after independence who have laid down their lives. India needs Indocracy or Bharat Tantra. Where integrity, empathy, deeper wisdom and strength of human character define the core of India as a society, state and civilisation.  Simultaneously, these must lead to serious enterprise and innovation to optimise our economic, industrial, technological, intellectual, innovation and military prowess in a manner where we find a better strategic equilibrium of mutual empowerment with rest of the world.       

 PS: Kindly forgive typographic errors. 

The original post has been corrected/edited more than once.